Tag Archives: payroll tax

Indiviglio’s Dogmatic Embrace of Failed Dogma in a Column Denouncing Dogma

By William K. Black


Daniel Indiviglio, a columnist for Reuters, wrote a column(“Dogma show”) denouncing the agreement to extend the payroll tax reduction. He was distressed by what he considered faux fiscal restraint. Indiviglio, writing at the same time that the Eurozone fell back intorecession because of its austerity program, denounces both parties for being inthe grip of dogmas that cause them to fail to impose greater austerity.

Why does Indiviglio want the U.S. to followthe worst possible response to a severe recession – austerity?  Because he is driven by a failed economicdogma, he has neither the capability nor any felt need to explain why hebelieves we should copy the Eurozone’s failed policies and join them in fallingback into recession.  He is so trapped byhis dogma that he knows that austerity is the only rational economic policy andcannot conceive that his views are ideological because they are soself-evidently true.  He hasunintentionally proved his point about how destructive discredited economicdogma is. 
“Republicans in Congress, whohave pounded the table on deficit reduction since last summer’s bruising debtbattle, have backed down on a demand that spending be slashed to cover the costof extending the tax cut. To let it ride for another 10 months will cost $100billion. So much for fiscal discipline.”

Calling austerity “fiscal discipline” (a more positivephrase) does not change the fact that the columnist believes that the means torecover from a severe recession (where private sector demand is grosslyinadequate) is to reduce public sector demand. As the Euorzone nations have just shown, however, reducing public sectorwhile trying to emerge from a severe recession is a superb means of causing arenewed recession.  The renewedrecession, in turn, deepens the deficit. Indiviglio’s austerity strategy is self-destructive. 
Unlike the Bush tax cuts that went overwhelmingly to thewealthy, reducing the payroll tax is a superb means of rapidly expandingeffective private sector demand.  Thepayroll tax is highly regressive (the working and middles classes pay a muchhigher percentage of their income than do the wealthy) so the payroll taxreduction gets money overwhelmingly to the working and middles classes and itdoes so immediately.  This is why manyprogressive economists supported the payroll tax reduction as an immediateresponse to the Great Recession.  

So, how does Indiviglio attempt to explain why his austeritypolicy is desirable and why we should ignore the Eurozone’s failed austeritypolicies in comparison to the success of the payroll tax reduction in theU.S.?  He is so deep in the grip of dogmathat he does not try.

What is really going on with Indiviglio?  His dominant dogma drives his desire to makelarge cuts in Social Security and health care for the elderly and thepoor.  He is an ideologue.  Indiviglio describes himself as “a 2011Robert Novak Journalism Fellow through the Phillips Foundation.”  That Foundation’s self-description reads:    

       The Phillips Foundation 

“Is a non-profitorganization founded in 1990 to advance constitutional principles, a democraticsociety and a vibrant free enterprise system.  In 1994, The Robert NovakJournalism Fellowship Program was launched to award grants to working print andonline journalists supportive of American culture and a free society.”

Indiviglio has attacked Reuters’ investigative journalistsfor an expose on the Koch brothers’ decades of unethical and destructivebehavior.  His apologias for Koch and the“vibrant free enterprise system” appear in columns for Reuters.

Here is the closest he comes to explaining why he thinks theU.S. should have adopted austerity in response to the Great Recession.

“Of course, the Democratsaren’t acting any more responsibly. They’re happy to extend the payroll-tax cutwithout paying for it, too. And though willing to slash some spendingelsewhere, Barack Obama’s party is still unwilling to tackle the real problem:safety-net programs. This was evidenced most recently by the president’s budgetplan on Monday.

Despite losing its AAA credit rating, the United States isn’t in any realtrouble yet. Its debt held by the public is about 70 percent of GDP – wellbelow Greece’s 160 percent. But America’s ratio is also nearly double what itwas just four years ago. The payroll tax fight only goes to show just howlittle political will there is in Washington, just as in many other capitalcities around the world, to seriously address the problem.”

Federal deficits equal “[ir]responsible” behavior underIndiviglio’s dogma.  Why, because theyare a “problem.”  What is the nature “theproblem?”  Our deficit is much largerthan it was “just four years ago” when the recession was beginning.  Yes, and it was over twice as large (relativeto GDP) when World War II ended.  Ourdeficit was not caused by our “safety-net programs.”  Our deficit is the product of fighting twowars, the Bush tax cuts, and having by far the most expensive military in theworld, and then suffering from a Great Recession that dramatically reduced taxrevenues. 

More basically, the increase in our federal budget deficit arisingfrom the sharp fall in tax revenues caused by the Great Recession isn’t “theproblem.”  As I’ve explained, it isattempting to balance the budget in response to a severe recession that is theproblem.  Had our stimulus program beenlarger, as we urged in 2008, our economic recovery would be stronger and ourfederal deficit would have been smaller. Had the Republicans and “blue dog” Democrats not killed the revenuesharing component of the stimulus bill we also could have avoided the pervasivestate and local fiscal crises and job and spending cuts that have made theGreat Recession far more damaging. 

Indiviglio never explains what he thinks is “the problem”but his references to the U.S. “losing its AAA credit rating” yet its deficitsbeing “well below” Greece’s (relative to GDP) imply that he thinks that “theproblem” is that we will have to pay extreme interest rates to sell U.S. debt.  (He appears to think this is inevitable, buthas not happened “yet.”)  But the U.S. isnothing like Greece because we have a sovereign currency, our debts aredenominated in that currency, and our currency floats rather than having afixed exchange rate.  The result is thatwhile our deficit is much higher due to the Great Recession, and while we havelost our AAA rating, we are able to borrow money for at interest rates that arewithin a hair’s breadth of the lowest rates in modern U.S. history.  The bond markets take into account thefederal government’s long term budgetary situation and do not see anymeaningful risk to purchasing bonds.  Thelong-term bonds markets do not believe “the problem” is even a trivial problem,and the issue isn’t “yet” when one is considering long-term markets.  

What are the “many other capital cities” that have “failedto seriously address the problem”?  Doeshe mean Tokyo?  Japan’s budget deficit isas large (relative to GDP) as Greece’s. Japan has a modest economic recovery and can borrow long-term at atrivial interest rate.  Japan has asovereign currency.  Argentina lacked atrue sovereign currency because it tied its currency to the U.S. dollar.  It defaulted on its debt – and hasexperienced high economic growth since it did so and re-adopted a sovereigncurrency.  Iceland has defaulted on someof its international debts.  It has asovereign currency.  It has one of thestronger recoveries in Europe.  Nationsthat use the euro do not have a sovereign currency.  The dominant strategy of euro nations inresponse to Great Recession has become austerity because they defined “theproblem” as deficits.  The Eurozone isfalling back into recession because of that policy.  The Great Recession is the problem.  The dogma of austerity is the greaterproblem.


Should Congress Raise the Payroll Tax When the Economy Recovers?

By Stephanie Kelton

Dean Baker has just written another piece on Social Security. Dean and I have always disagreed at some fundamental level on the best way to run opposition against those that are committed to weakening and ultimately destroying this vital program. Thus, while Dean and the MMTers are on the same philosophical team (we all want to preserve the program), we run our offence using very different strategical play books.

When it comes to Social Security, MMTers have taken many pages out of Robert Eisner’s play book. To my mind, no economist has been a more honest and forceful defender of the program. (Eisner was Professor Emeritus at Northwestern University and one of Bill Clinton’s friends and former teachers. He passed away in 2010.)  In my favourite piece on the subject, Eisner said:

The notion that Social Security faces bankruptcy begins with a fundamental misconception, that payment of benefits somehow depends upon the OASDI (Old Age and Survivors and Disability Insurance) trust funds. The trust funds are merely accounting entities….

…Our payroll taxes or “contributions” go directly to the United States Treasury. Our benefit checks come from the Treasury-and those receiving them can verify on those checks that the payer is the Treasury of the United States, and not any trust fund. Social Security payments are an obligation under law of the U.S. government. Our government and its Treasury will not,indeed cannot, go bankrupt. As Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan has recently put it, “[A] government cannot become insolvent with respect to obligations in its own currency.”

Baker’s latest piece is interesting because it shows that he has at least one foot in the Eisner door. He says:

While there is nothing in prin­ci­ple wrong with fi­nanc­ing So­cial Se­cu­rity in part out of gen­eral rev­enue for two or three years in the mid­dle of a se­vere eco­nomic down­turn, the ques­tion is what will hap­pen when the economy recovers enough that we no longer need this tax cut as stim­u­lus. In prin­ci­ple the tax should sim­ply re­vert to its nor­mal level.

When the economy recovers, Baker is worried that Congress will lack the political will to raise payroll tax rates, leaving the program vulnerable. He says:

If the Social Security tax were not re­stored to its for­mer level, then we could in prin­ci­ple con­tinue to make up the dif­fer­ence from gen­eral rev­enue. How­ever, there cer­tainly is no agree­ment that this will be done. Since its in­cep­tion, So­cial Se­cu­rity has been fi­nanced from the des­ig­nated pay­roll tax. This tax has been used to sus­tain the trust fund, which is in prin­ci­ple sep­a­rate from the rest of the bud­get.

Okay, there is a bit of MMT in here — the government could always make up the difference from general revenue — but the rest of the argument breaks sharply from Eisner, who explained that the perceived funding of Social Security through a dedicated payroll tax is nothing more than a useful myth.

Baker accepts that myth, arguing that as long as Congress has the guts to return the payroll tax to its original rate after the recovery takes hold, then the Trust Fund “would be suf­fi­cient to keep the pro­gram fully funded through the year 2038 and more than 80 per­cent funded through the rest of the century.”

To ensure that this happens, Baker proposes:

[A] very sim­ple way around this po­ten­tial prob­lem. If we want to give a tax cut to work­ers equal to 3.1 per­cent of wages, as Pres­i­dent Obama has pro­posed, along with a sim­i­lar cut to some em­ploy­ers, we can just write that into the law with­out any ref­er­ence to So­cial Se­cu­rity.

In other words, the tax cut would take the form of a tax credit that is paid out to work­ers and firms in ex­actly the amounts that Pres­i­dent Obama pro­posed. How­ever this credit would have no con­nec­tion what­so­ever to the So­cial Se­cu­rity tax, which con­tin­ues to get col­lected at its nor­mal rate.

MMTers would argue against this. Indeed, we have argued in favour of a more generous payroll tax cut — i.e. reducing FICA withholdings to zero for employees and the employers — and we would prefer to keep it that way so that the entire program is overtly, and permanently, funded out of general revenue.  Baker has vehemently opposed our policy recommendation, arguing that it would make the program vulnerable to attack if it lacked a dedicated source of funding.  So Baker wants to make sure the Trust Fund is “there” in order to protect Social Security from attack.

Here’s how Eisner dealt with the same problem:

Expenditures alleged to be related to trust funds are often less than their income-witness the highway and airport  funds as well Social Security. There is no particular  reason they cannot be more. The accountants can just as well declare the bottom line of the funds’ accounts negative as positive – and the Treasury can go on making whatever outlays are prescribed by law. The Treasury  can pay out all that Social Security provides while the accountants declare the funds more and more in the red. 

For those concerned, nevertheless, about the “solvency” of the trust funds, there are simple, painless remedies for this accounting problem….why not award balances in the Trust Funds, instead of the current 5.9 percent interest rate on long-term government bonds, [a] higher return… [for] it was not God but Congress and the Treasury that determined the interest rate to be credited on the non-negotiable Treasury notes of the fund balances.”

So Congress could simply agree to credit the Trust Funds at 10, 25, 40, 100, or 500 percent, making the entire “problem” go away. At 100 percent interest, even the most pessimistic CBO official would have to give the fund a clean bill of health, and future retirees could get 100 percent of the benefits they have been promised.

Which solution should progressives advocate?  Baker’s tit-for-tat replacement tax that promises to preserve Social Security in its current state — able to pay just 80 percent of promised benefits to future retirees?  Eisner’s tongue-in-cheek remedy that artificially pumps up the size of the Trust Fund to astronomical proportions in order to placate the accountants?  Or the MMT solution that advocates a straightforward payment of promised benefits to all future retirees?

Matchmaker, Matchmaker Find Me a Job

By Stephanie Kelton

Good news. Republicans have just unveiled a bold new plan (see below) to create jobs in the private sector. Don’t worry, it isn’t another “wasteful” stimulus package that hires people to repair roads and bridges or helps state and local governments hold onto their teachers and firefighters. This one won’t cost the government a dime! It’s a simple idea, really. A good old-fasioned meet-and-greet, where throngs of unemployed Americans can claw their way through a crowd of equally desperate men and women looking to land the perfect mate. I mean a reasonable match. I mean any job whatsoever.

Are these people delusional? (rhetorical) What, exactly, is it that prevents them from understanding the root of the problem? Econ 101. Sales Create Jobs. Income Creates Sales. So easy a caveman can do it.

We don’t need to introduce employers to the unemployed — they can throw a rock and hit one every 10 feet. We need to introduce employers to new customers. Sales create jobs. The problem, as Cullen Roche points out again today, is that too many households are still struggling with high debt levels. As Cullen said, “spenders have become savers,” and this is hurting the economy. Until households finish de-leveraging (restoring balance sheets by paying down debt), there will be no new source of demand — i.e. customers — to support private businesses.

The government could provide that demand — directly, through a job guarantee program modeled on the WPA, or indirectly, through a full payroll tax holiday and another round of revenue sharing for the states. But it looks like the deficit owls are the only ones prepared to support those kinds of bold initiatives. Until then, Congresswomen like Lynn Jenkins (my own “representative,” by the way) will settle for a pathetic event that promises to pair hundreds of potential employers with thousands of job seekers.

Dear Ms. Kelton,
It is my pleasure to announce the 2nd Annual Kansas 2nd District Jobs Fair.  If you are a job seeker looking for employment or an employer looking for employees, I invite you to join us on Thursday, September 1st at the Topeka Expocentre Agriculture Hall.  
As a CPA, I know the key to turning the economy around is not more government spending, but working with the private sector to create jobs. In order to get our economy back on track, we must first get America and Kansas back to work.  
This Jobs Fair will provide an unique opportunity to meet with some of the leading job creators in the state of Kansas.  There are retailers and manufacturers, service industry representatives, members from healthcare and not-for-profit companies, cities and universities, as well as financial services providers all gathered to help you find employment.  There will be over 60 companies looking to fill hundreds of jobs! 
Unlike many Jobs Fairs, participation is free of charge for both businesses and job seekers. I am hopeful that this event will prove an invaluable resource for you, your friends, and family. Please bring your resume and come explore job opportunities.
Congresswoman Lynn Jenkins’ 2011 Jobs Fair
Thursday, September 1st 
10am – 1pm
Topeka Expocentre Agricultural Hall
One Expocentre Drive
17th & Topeka Blvd
Topeka, KS
Over 1,000 job-seekers came out to last year’s Jobs Fair– providing a great opportunity for employers and job-seekers to meet. Whether you are looking for a full-time, part-time, or temporary position, do not miss this great opportunity to connect with local employers who are hiring. 
I hope to see you there! 
Sincerely,

Lynn Jenkins, CPA
Member of Congress